This investigation reveals how El Paso businessman Paul Foster and developer Woody Hunt leveraged their positions on the UT System Board of Regents and the Rockefeller Foundation's 100 Resilient Cities program to create a national model for redirecting public housing funds to private developers. The scheme rebrands low-income housing as "workforce housing," excludes students from affordable housing to force them into expensive university developments, and uses "resilience" planning to legitimize massive downtown real estate consolidation.
In December 2013, El Paso was selected as one of the first cohort of cities for the 100 Resilient Cities program - a $164 million Rockefeller Foundation initiative. The program identified "lack of affordable housing" as one of the most common "chronic stresses" facing cities globally.
Rockefeller funded El Paso's Chief Resilience Officer position and provided access to "Platform Partners" valued at $200M+ in services
Consulting firm led "agenda-setting workshops" for El Paso and 5 other North American cities
95+ events conducted (2015-2016), reaching 12,000 face-to-face + 70,000 digitally
Published February 2018, emphasizing "innovative finance" and "private sector partnerships" for housing
Identified chronic stresses: aging infrastructure, inadequate transit, and LACK OF AFFORDABLE HOUSING
$3.35 billion catalyzed globally for "resilience projects" ($1.22B in North America)
Governor George W. Bush appoints Woody Hunt to UT System Board of Regents. Hunt becomes Vice-Chairman and serves on Facilities Planning & Construction Committee.
Foster and Hunt (along with J. Robert Brown, Ted Houghton, Rick Francis) lobby Governor Rick Perry for $12M for El Paso medical school from his $295M enterprise fund.
El Paso adopts 2006 Downtown Plan - the foundation for future RAD developments and "workforce housing" strategy.
Woody Hunt creates PAC with Paul Foster, Rick Francis, J. Robert Brown, Harold Hahn, and Ted Houghton to fund pro-development City Council candidates.
Foster and Hunt co-found MountainStar Sports Group. El Paso voters approve Quality of Life Bond including funds for downtown arena and ballpark infrastructure.
El Paso selected in December 2013 as one of first cohort of 100 Resilient Cities. Rockefeller Foundation funds Chief Resilience Officer position.
HR&A Advisors conducts workshops. 95+ community engagement events. Foster begins massive downtown property acquisition during "resilience" planning process.
El Paso Resilience Strategy published February 2018, emphasizing public-private partnerships and "innovative finance" for housing and infrastructure.
Hunt/Moss partnership completes majority of 30+ RAD developments marketed as "workforce housing" but legally restricted to 60% AMI or below.
100 Resilient Cities officially ends July 31, 2019, but Rockefeller commits $8M to continue supporting Chief Resilience Officers and member cities.
Hunt Companies forms Hunt Campus Solutions specifically for university housing management. Currently manages 20,000+ beds at universities nationwide.
UT System Board of Regents approves $108M student housing complex at UTEP ($236,842 per bed). To be repaid through student housing fees.
Rockefeller Foundation identifies "lack of affordable housing" as a universal urban challenge requiring "innovative solutions"
Funded by Rockefeller, CROs develop "resilience strategies" emphasizing public-private partnerships and private sector involvement
Housing is marketed to teachers, nurses, first responders (80-120% AMI) as solving the "missing middle" crisis
Projects are legally restricted through LURAs to 60% AMI or below - traditional low-income housing rebranded
Hunt secures financing → Moss (40% Hunt-owned) builds → Profits stay within same corporate ecosystem
Teachers and nurses can't afford the units (need 60% AMI or below). System didn't fail - it was never designed for them
Universities face 100% capacity, students are "housing insecure" - but students are EXCLUDED from LIHTC affordable housing
P3 partnerships with developers (like Hunt). Debt financed. Students pay through housing fees. Example: UTEP $236,842 per bed
"Bargaining for the Common Good" reframes housing as "essential worker infrastructure" - unions support developer-friendly policies
El Paso blueprint exported through 100RC network to Los Angeles, Minnesota, and 98 other cities worldwide
Who wrote it? Which private sector partners were consulted? What specific housing recommendations were made? How much influence did Hunt/Foster have?
How much was HR&A paid? What were their deliverables? Who did they meet with? What recommendations did they make about housing and development?
Which companies had "free" access to El Paso through the Platform Partner program? What services did they provide? Who benefited?
Public Information Act request for Land Use Restriction Agreements. Do they match the marketing? Are they 60% AMI when marketed as 80-120% AMI?
What representations were made to bond investors? Could "workforce housing" marketing constitute securities fraud if legally restricted to lower income?
HUD-mandated forms revealing profit-sharing details between Hunt and Moss. What percentage of profits stay in the Hunt family?
All votes by Hunt and Foster on UTEP projects, student housing approvals, and contracts. Did they recuse themselves? If not, why not?
Which City Council candidates did Hunt/Foster fund? What positions did those candidates take on housing, development, and downtown projects?
$75M in public incentives for Foster's "historic preservation." What were the terms? What did El Paso get in return? Were there affordable housing requirements?
Who is building the $108M student housing? If it's a Hunt/Moss entity, how was the contract awarded? Was there competitive bidding?
This is not a story about two successful businessmen making money through legitimate development. This is a story about systemic corruption where individuals serving on the governing board of a public university system approved projects from which they directly profited.
It's about misrepresenting housing to the public and potentially to bond investors - calling projects "workforce housing" when they're legally restricted to much lower incomes.
It's about using a Rockefeller Foundation program as cover for the largest consolidation of downtown real estate and the capture of public housing funds by private developers in El Paso's history.
Most importantly, this model was exported to 100 cities worldwide. El Paso was the prototype. Understanding how it worked here is essential to understanding how "resilience" planning became a mechanism for privatizing public resources nationally.